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The Settlement of the Appalachian Frontier

The Settlement of the Appalachian Frontier

Sharing information, stories, and ideas for teaching students about the settlement of the Appalachian Frontier. Focusing on the little-known people and history of Southwestern Virginia, Northeast Tennessee, and Eastern Kentucky.

Name: Danny Dixon
Location: Nickelsville, Virginia, United States

Tuesday, November 25, 2008

"Pathfinders, Pioneers, & Patriots"

I recently completed my long overdue book about the settlement of America's First Frontier - - - The Appalachian Mountain Region of Southwestern Virginia, Northeastern Tennessee, and Eastern Kentucky. This unique book includes a comprehensive historical timeline (to 1800) with many people and events that history has virtually forgotten along side well known events so the reader can easily see the context in which events took place out on the frontier. It also includes many stories, pictures, and primary documents about the facinating people and events that are included in the timeline.

Those interested can obtain a copy by searching for it at Lulu.com or get a signed copy from the author by contacting me at: Danny Dixon, 190 Kilgore Street, Nickelsville, Va. 24271. The cost (including shipping, etc.) is $24.00.

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Wednesday, April 23, 2008

Maj. George Washington's Journal 1753

Major GEORGE WASHINGTON's Journal to the River OHIO, etc
Wednesday, October 31, 1753
I was commissioned and appointed by the Honourable Robert Dinwiddie, Esq, Governor, Etc. of Virginia, to visit and deliver a Letter to the Commandant of the French Forces on the Ohio, and set out on the intended Journey the same Day; the next, I arrived Fredericksburg, and engaged Mr. Jacob Van Braam, to be my French Interpreter; and proceeded with him to Alexandria, where we provided Necessaries; from whence we went to Winchester, and got luggage, Horse, Etc. and from thence we pursued the new Road to Wills Creek, where we arrived the 14th of November.
Here I engaged Mr. Gist to pilot us out, and also hired four others as Servitors, Barnaby Currin, and John MacQuire, Indian Traders, Henry Steward, and William Jenkins, and in Company with those Persons, left the Inhabitants the Day following.
The excessive Rains and vast Quantity of Snow that had fallen, prevented our reaching Mr. Frazier's, an Indian Trader, at the Mouth of Turtle rock, on Monongahela, till Thursday, the 22nd, we were informed here, that Expresses were sent a few days ago to the Traders down the River, to acquaint them with the French General's Death, and the Return of the major Part of the French army into Winter Quarters.
The Waters were quite impassable, without swimming our Horses; which obliged us to get the loan of a Canoe from Frazier, and to send Barnaby Currin, and Henry Steward, down Monongahela with our Baggage, to meet us at the Forks at Ohio, about 10 miles, to cross Allegany.
As I got down before the Canoe, I spent some time in viewing the Rivers, and the Land in this Fork, as it has the absolute Command of both Rivers. The Land at the Point is 20 or 25 Feet above the common Surface of the Water, and a considerable Bottom of flat, well-timbered Land all around it, very convenient for Building; the Rivers are each a Quarter of a Mile, or more, across, and run here very near at right Angles; Allegany bearing N.E. and Monongahela S.E. the former of these two is a very rapid and swift running. Water, the other deep and still, without any perceptible Fall.
About two Miles from this, on the South East Side of the River, at the Place where the Obis Company intended to erect a Fort, lives Shingiss, King of the Delawares; we call'd upon him, to invite him to Council at the Loggs Town.
As I had taken a good deal of Notice Yesterday of the Situation of the Forks, my Curiosity led me to examine this more particularly, and I think it greatly inferior, either for Defence or Advantages; especially the latter, for a Fort at the Forks would be equally well situated on Ohio, and have the entire command of Monongahela, which runs up to our Settlements and is extremely well designed for Water Carriage, as it is of a deep still Nature; besides, a Fort at the Fork might be built at a much less Expense, than at the other Places.------
Nature has well contrived the lower Place, for Water Defence; but the Hill whereon it must stand being about a Quarter of a Mile in Length, and then Descending gradually on the Land Side, will render it difficult and very expensive, making a sufficient Fortification there. — The whole Flat upon the Hill must be taken in, or the Side next the Descent made extremely high; or else the Hill cut away; Otherwise, the Enemy may raise Batteries within that Distance without being expos'd to a single Shot from the Fort.
Shingiss attended us to the Loggs Town, where we arrived between Sun setting and Dark, the 25th Day after I left Williamsburg; We travelled over some extreme good, and bad Land, to get to this Place.---
As soon as I came into Town, I went to Monacatoocha (as the Half King was out at his hunting Cabbin on little Beaver Creek, about 15 miles off) who inform'd him by John Davison my Indian Interpreter, that I was sent a Messenger to the French General; and was ordered to call upon the Sachems of the Six Nations, to acquaint them with it. — I gave him a String of Wampum, and a Twill of Tobacco, and desired him to send for the Half King; which he promised to do by a Runner in the Morning, and for other Sachems; — I invited him and the other great Men present to my Tent, where they stay'd about an Hour and return'd.
According to the best Observations I could make, Mr. Gist's new Settlement (which we pass'd by) bears about W.N.W. 70 Miles from Wills Creek; Shanapins, or the Forks N. by W. or N.N.W. about 50 miles from that; and from thence to the Loggs Town, the Course is nearly Well about 18 or 20 Miles; so that the whole Distance, as we went and computed it, is at least 135 or 140 Miles from our back Inhabitants.
25th, Came to Town four of ten Frenchmen that deserted from a Company at the Cuscuscus, which lies at the Mouth of this River; I got the following Account from them. They were sent from New Orleans with 100, and 8 Canoe Loads of Provisions to this Place; where they expected to have met the same Number of Men, from the Forts this Side Lake Erie, to convoy them and the Stores up, who were not arrived when they ran off.
I enquired into the Situation of the French, on the Misssissippi, their Number, and what Forts they had built; They inform'd me, That there were four small Forts between New Orleans and the Black Islands, garrison'd with about 30 or 40 Men, and a few small Pieces, in each; That at New Orleans, which is near the Mouth of the Mississippi, there are 35 Companies of 40 Men each, with a pretty Strong Fort mounting 8 Carriage Guns, and at the Black Islands there are several Companies, and a Fort with 6 Guns. The Black Islands are about 130 Leagues above the Mouth of the Ohio, which is about 350 above New Orleans; They also acquainted me, that there was a small pallisado'd Fort on the Ohio, at the Mouth of the Obaish, about 60 Leagues from the Mississippi; The Obaish heads near the West End of Lake Erie, and affords the Communication between the French on Mississippi and those on the Lakes. These Deserters came up from the lower Shawnee-Town with one Brown, an Indian Trader, and were going to Philadelphia.
About 3 o'Clock this evening the Half King came to Town; I went up and I invited him and Davisan, privately, to my Tent, and desir'd him to relate some of the Particulars of his Journey to the French Commandant, and Reception there; and to give me an Account of the Ways and Distance. He told me, that the nearest and levellest Way was now impassable, by Reason of many large miry Savannas, that we must be obliged to go by Venango, and should not get to the near Fort under 5 or 6 Night's Sleep, good Travelling. When he went to the Fort, he said he was received in a very stern Manner by the late Commander; Who ask'd him very abruptly, what he had come about, and to declare his Business, which he said he did in the following Speech.
Fathers, I am come to tell you your own Speeches; what your own Mouths have declared. Fathers, You, in former Days, set a Silver Bason before us, wherein there was the Leg of a Beaver, and desir'd of all Nations to come and eat of it; to eat in Peace and Plenty, and not to be churlish to one another; and that if any such Person should be found to be a Disturber, I here lay down by the Edge of the Dish a Rod, which you must scourge them with; and if I your Father, should get foolish, in my old Days, I desire you may use it upon me as well as others.
Now Fathers, it is you that are the Disturbers in this Land, by coming and building your Towns, and taking it away unknown to us, and by Force.
Fathers, We kindled a Fire a long Time ago, at a Place called Montreal, where we desired you to stay, and not to come and intrude upon our Land. I now desire you may dispatch to that Place; for be it known to you, Fathers, that this is our Land, and not yours.
Fathers, I desire you may hear me in Civilness; if not, we must handle that Rod which was laid down for the use of the Obstreperous. If you had come in a peaceable Manner, like our Brothers the English, we should not have been against your trading with us, as they do; but to come, Fathers, and build great Houses upon our Land, and to take it by Force, is what we cannot submit to.
Fathers, both you and the English are white, we live in a Country between; therefore the Land belongs to neither one nor to other; But the Great Being Above allow'd it to be a Place of Residence for us; so Fathers, I desire you to withdraw, as I have done our Brothers the English; for I will keep you at Arms length. I lay this down as a Trial for both, to see which will have the greatest Regard to it, and that Side we will stand by, and make equal Sharers with us. Our Brothers the English have heard this, and I come now to tell it to you, for I am not afraid to discharge you off this Land.
This he said was the Substance of what he said to the General, who made this Reply.

Now, my Child, I have heard your Speech, you spoke first, but it is my Time to speak now. Where is my Wampum that you took away, with the Marks of Towns in it? This Wampum I do not know, which you have discharged me off the Land with; but you need not put yourself to the Trouble of Speaking, for I will not hear you; I am not afraid of Flies, or Mosquitos, for Indians are such as those; I tell you, down that River I will go, and will build upon it, according to my Command; if the River was backed up, I have Forces sufficient to burst it open, and tread under my Feet all that stand in Opposition, together with their Alliances; for my Force is as the Sand upon the Sea Shore; Therefore, here is your Wampum, I fling it at you. Child, you talk foolish; you say this Land belongs to you, but there is not the Back of my Nail yours; I saw that Land sooner than you did, before the Shannoahs and you were at War; Lead was the Man that went down, and took Possession of that River; It is my Land, and I will have it, let who will stand up for, or say against it. I'll buy and sell with the Englaish (mocking). If People will be ruled by me, they may expect Kindness, but not else.
The Half King told me he enquired of the General after two Englishmen that were made Prisoners, and received this Answer.
Child, You think it is a very great Hardship that I made Prisoners of those two People at Venango, don't you concern yourself with it, we took and carried them to Canada, to get Intelligence of what the English were doing in Virginia.
He informed me that they had built two Forts, one on Lake Erie, and another on French Creek, near a small Lake about 15 Miles asunder, and a large Wagogon Road Between; they are both built after the same Model, but different in the Size; that on the Lake the largest; he gave me a Plan of them, of his own drawing.
The Indians enquired very particularly after their Brothers in Carolina Goal.
They also asked what sort of a Boy it was that was taken from the South Branch; for they had, by some Indians, heard that a Party of French Indians had carried a white Boy by the Caseusea Town, Towards the Lakes.
26th, We met in Council at the Long-House about 9 o'Clock, where I spoke to them as fellows.
Brothers, I have called you together in Council, by Order of your Brother the Governor of Virginia, to acquaint you that I am sent, with all possible Dispatch, to visit, and deliver a Letter to the French Commandant, of very great Importance to your Brothers the English; and I dare say, to you their Friends and Allies.
I was destined, brothers, by your brother, the governor, to call upon you, the sachems of the nations, to inform you of it, and to ask your advice and assistance to proceed the nearest and best road to the French, You see, brothers, I have gotten this far on my Journey.
His Honor likewise desired me to apply to you for some of your young men to conduct and provide provisions for us on our way, and be a safeguard against those French Indians who have taken up the hatchet against us. I have spoken thus particularly to you, brothers, because his Honor, our governor, treats you as good friends and allies, and holds you in great esteem. To confirm what I have said, I give you this string of wampum.
After they had considered for some time on the above discourse, the Half-King got up, and spoke:
'Now, my brother, in regard to what my brother, the governor, had desired of me, I return you this answer:
'I rely upon you as a brother ought to do, as you say we are brothers and one people. We shall put heart in hand and speak to our fathers, the French, concerning the speech they made to me, and you may depend that we will endeavor to be your guard.
'Brother, as you have asked my advice, I hope you will be ruled by it, and stay until I can provide a company to go with you. The French speech-belt is not here; I have to go for it to my Hunting-Cabin. Likewise, the people whom I have ordered in are not yet come, and cannot until the third night from this; until which time, brother, I must beg you to stay.
'I intend to send a Guard of Mingoes, Shannoahs, and Delawares, that our brothers may see the love and loyalty we bear them.'
As I had orders to make all possible Dispatch, and waiting here was very contrary to my inclination, I thanked him in the most suitable manner I could, and told him that my business required the greatest expedition, and would not admit of that delay: He was not well pleased that I should offer to go before the Time he had appointed, and told me that he could not consent to our going without a Guard, for Fear some Accident should befall us, and draw a Relexion upon him; besides, says he, this is a Matter of no small Moment, and must not be entered into without due Consideration; for now I intend to deliver up the French Speech-Belt, and make the Shannoahs and Delawares do the same: And accordingly he gave Orders to King Shingiss, who was present, to attend on Wednesday Night with the Wampum, and two Men of their Nation to be in Readiness to set out with next Morning. As I found it was impossible to get off without affronting them in the most egregious Manner, I consented to stay.
I gave them back a String of Wampum that I met with at Frazier's, which they had sent with a Speech to his Honour the Governour, to inform him, that three Nations of French Indians , viz. Chippeways, Ottoways, and Orundacks, had taken up the Hatchet against the English, and desired them to repeat it over again, which they postponed doing till they met in full Council with the Shannoahs and Delaware Chiefs.
27th, Runners were dispatched very early for the Shannoah Chiefs, the Half King set out himself to fetch the French Speech-Belt from his Hunting-Cabbin.
28th, He returned this Evening, and came with Monacatoocha, and two other Sachems to my Tent; and begged (as they had complied with his Honour the Governor's Request, in providing Men, Etc.) to know on what Business we were going to the French. This was a Question I all along expected, and had provided as satisfactory Answers to, as I could, and which allayed their Curiosity a little.
Monacatoocha informed me, that an Indian from Venango brought News, a few Days ago, that the French had called all the Mingos, Delawares &c together at that Place, and told them that they intended to have been down the River this Fall, but the Waters were growing cold, and the Winter advancing, which obliged them to go into Quarters: But they might assuredly expect them in the Spring, with a far greater Number; and desired that they might be quite passive, and apt to intermeddle, unless they has a Mind to draw all their Force upon them, for that they expected to fight the English three Years, (as they supposed there would be some Attempts made to stop them) in which Time they should conquer, but if they should prove equally strong, that they and the English would join to cut them all off, and divide the land between them; that tho' they had lost their General, and some few of their Soldiers, yet there were Men enough to reinforce them, and make them Masters of the Ohio.
This Speech, he said, was delivered to them by one Captain Joncaire their Interpreter in Chief, living at Venango, and a Man of Note in the Army.
29th, The Half-King and Monacatoocha came very early, and begged me to stay one Day more, for notwithstanding they had used all the Diligence in their Power, the Shannoah Chiefs had not brought the Wampum they ordered, but would certainly be in Tonight; if not, they would delay me no longer, but would send it after us as soon as soon as they arrived; When I found them so pressing in their Request, and knew that returning of Wampum was the abolishing of Agreements; and giving this up, was shaking off all Dependence upon the French, I consented to stay, as I believe an Offence offered at this Crisis, might be attended with greater ill Consequence, Than another Day's Delay. They also informed me that Shingiss could not get in his Men, and was prevented from coming himself by his Wife's Sickness, (I believe, by Fear of the French) but that the Wampum of that Nation was lodged with Custaloga, one of their Chiefs at Venango. In the Evening late they came again and acquainted me that the Shannoahs were not yet come, but it should not retard the Prosecution of our Journey. He delivered in my Hearing the Speeched that were to be made to the French by Jeskakake, one of their Old Chiefs, which was giving up the Belt the late Commandant had asked for, and repeating near the same Speech he himself had done before.
He also delivered a string of Wampum to this Chief, which was sent by King Shingiss, to be given to Casalega, with Orders to repair to the French, and deliver up the Wampum.
He likewise gave a very large String of black and white Wampum, which was to be sent up immediately to the Six Nations, if the French refused to quit the Land at this Warning; which was the third and last Time, and was the Right of this Jeskakuke to deliver.
30th, Last Night the great Men assembled to their Council-House, to consult further about this Journey, and who were to go; the Result of which was, that only three of their Chiefs, with one of their best Hunters, should be our Convoy; The Reason which they gave for not sending more, after what had been proposed at Council the 26th, was, that a greater Number might give the French Suspicions of some bad Design, and cause them to be treated rudely: But I rather think they could not get their Hunters in.
We set out about 9 o'Clock with the Half-King, Jeskakake, White Thunder, and the Hunter, and travelled on the road to Venango, where we arrived the 4th of December, without any Thing remarkable happening but a continued Series of bad weather.
This is an old Indian Town, situated at the Mouth of French Creek on Ohio, and lies near N. about 60 Miles from Logg-Town, but more than 70 the Way we were obliged to go.
We found the French colours hoisted at a House which they drove Mr. John Frazier, an English Subject, from; I immediately repaired to it, to know where the Commander resided. There were three Officers, one of whom, Capt. Joncaire informed me, that he had the Command of ther Ohio, but that there was a General Officer at the near Fort, which he advised me to for an Answer. He invited us to sup with them, and treated us with the greatest Complaisance.
The Wine, as they dosed themselves pretty plentifully with it, soon banished the Restraint which at first appear'd in their Conversation, and gave a Licence to their Tongues to reveal their Sentiments more freely.
They told me, That it was their absolute Design to take Possession of the Ohio, and by G — they would do it; for that they were sensible the English could raise two Men for their one; yet they knew, their Motions were too slow and dilatory to prevent any Undertaking of theirs. They pretend to have an undoubted Right to the River, from a Discovery made by one LaSalle 60 Years ago; and the Rise of this expedition is, to prevent our Settling on the River or Waters of it, as they have heard of some Families moving out in Order thereto. From the best Intelligence I could get, there have been 1500 Men on this side Ontario Lake, but upon the death of the General all were recalled to about 6 or 700, who were left to garrison four Forts, 150 or thereabouts in each, the first of which is on French Creek, near a small Lake, about 60 miles from Venango, near N.N.W. the next lies on Lake Erie, where the greatest part of their Stores are kept, about 15 Miles from the other; from that it is 120 Miles to the carrying Place, at the Falls of Lake Erie, where there is a small Fort which they lodge their goods at, in bringing them in from Montreal, the Place that all their Stores come from: The next Fort lies about 20 Miles from this, on Ontario Lake; between this Fort and Montreal there are three others, the first of which is near opposite to the English Fort Oswego. From the Fort on Lake Erie to Montreal is about 600 Miles, which they say requires no more, if good Weather, than four Weeks Voyage, if they go in Barks or large Vessels, that they can cross the Lake; but if they come in Canoes it will require 5 or 6 Weeks, for they are oblig'd to keep under the Shore.
5th, Rain'd excessively all Day, which prevented our Travelling. Capt. Joncaire sent for the Half King, as he had but just heard that he came with me: He affected to be much concern'd that I did not make free to bring them in before; I excused it in the best Manner I was capable, and told him I did not think their Company agreeable as I heard him say a good deal in Dispraise of Indians in general; but another Motive prevents me from bringing them iinto his Company; I knew he was Interpreter, and a Person of very great Influence among the Indians and had lately used all possible Means to draw them over to their Interest; therefore I was desirous of giving no Opportunity that could be avoided.
When the came in, there was great Pleasure express'd at seeing them; he wonder'd how they could be so near without coming to visit him, made several trifling Presents, and applied Liquor so fast, that they were soon render'd incapable of the Business they came about, notwithstanding the Caution that was given.
6th, The Half-King came to my Tent, quite sober, and insisted very much that I should stay and hear what he had to say to the French; I would have prevented his speaking any Thing, 'till he came to the Commandant, but could not prevail: He told me, that at this Place, a Council Fire was kindled, where all their Business with the People was to be transacted, and that the Management of the Indian Affairs was left solely to Capt. Joncaire. As I was desirous of knowing the issues of this, I agreed to stay, but sent our Horses a little Way up French Creek, to refresh and encamp, which I knew would make it near Night.
About 10 o'Clock they met in Council; the King spoke much the same as he had before done to the General, and offer'd French Speech Belt which had before been demanded with the Marks of four Towns on it, which Monsieur Joncaire refused to receive; but desired him to carry it to the Fort to the Commander.
7th, Monsieur La Force, Commissary of the French Stores, and three other Soldiers, came over to accompany us up. We found it extremely difficult getting the Indians off Today, as every Stratagem had been used to prevent their going up with me; I had last Night left John Davison (the Indian Interpreter that I brought from the Logg Town with me) strictly charg'd not to be out of their Company, as I could not get them over to my Tent (they having some Business with Custaloga, to know the reason why he did not deliver up the French Belt which he had in Keeping) but was obliged to send Mr. Gist over Today to fetch them, which he did with great Persuasion.
At 11 o'Clock we set out for the Fort, and were prevented from arriving there 'till the 11th by excessive Rains, Snows, and bad Travelling, through many Mires and Swamps, which we were obliged to pass, to avoid crossing the Creek, which was impossible, either by fording or rafting, the Water was so high and rapid.
We passed over much good Land since we left Venango, and through several extensive and very rich Meadows; one of which I believe was near four Miles in Length, and considerably wide in some Places.
12th. I prepar'd early to wait upon the Commander, and was received and conducted to him by the second Officer in Command; I acquainted him with my Business, and offer'd my Commission and Letter, both of which he desired me to keep 'til the arrival of Monsieur Riparti, Captain at the next Fort, who was sent for and expected every Hour.
This Commander is a Knight of the Military Order of St. Louis, and named Legardeur de St. Piere. He is an elderly Gentleman, and has much the Air of a Soldier; he was sent over to take the Command, immediately upon the Death of the late General, and arrived here about seven Days before me.
At 2 o'Clock the Gentleman that was sent for arrived, when I offer'd the Letter, etc. again: which they receiv'd, and adjourn'd into a private Apartment for the Captain to translate, who understood a little English; after he had done it, the Commander desired I would walk in, and bring my interpreter to peruse and correct it, which I did.
13th, The chief Officers retired, to hold a Council of War, which gave me an opportunity of taking the Dimensions of the Fort, and making what Observations I could.
It is situated on the South, or West Fork of French Creek, near the Water, and is almost surrounded by the Creek, and a small Branch of it which forms a Kind of an island; four houses compose the sides; the Bastions are made of Piles driven into the Ground, and about 12 feet above, and sharp at Top, with Port Holes cut for Cannon and Loop Holes for the small Arms to fire through.. There are eight 6 lb. pieces mounted, two in each Bastion, and one Piece of four Pound before the Gate; in the Bastions are a Guard House, Chapel, Doctor's Lodging, and the Commander's private store, round which are laid Eight Forms for the Cannon and Men to stand on; There are several barracks without the Fort, for the Soldiers Dwelling, covered, some with Bark, and some with Boards, and made chiefly, such as Stables, Smith's Shop, Etc.
I could get no certain Account of the Number of Men here; but according to the best Judgment I could form, there are an hundred exclusive of Officers, of which there are many. I also gave Orders to the People that were with me, to take an exact Account of the Canoes that were hauled up to convey their Forces down in the Spring, which they did, and told 50 of Witch Bark, and 170 of Pine, besides many others that were blotk'd out, in Readiness to make.
14th, As the Snow increased very fast, and our Horses daily became weaker, I sent them off unloaded, under the Care of Barnaby Currin and two others to make all convenient Dispatch to Venango, and there-- at our Arrival if there was a Prospect of the Rivers freezing, if not, then to continue down to Shawnee's Town, at the Forks of Ohio, and there to wait 'til we came to cross Allegany, intending myself to go down by Water, as I had the Offer of a Canoe or two.
As I found many Plots concerted the Indians Business, and prevent their returning with me; I endeavor'd all that lay in my Power to frustrate their scheme, and hurry them on to execute their intended Design; they accordingly pressed for Admittance this Evening, which at length was granted them, privately, with the Commander and one or two other Officers: The Half-King told me, that he offered the Wampum to the Commander, who evaded taking it, and made many fair Promises of Love and Friendship: said he wanted to live in Peace, and trade amicably with them, as a Proff of which he would send some Goods immediately down to the Loggs Town for them; but I rather think the Design of that is, to being away all our struggling Trades they meet with, as I privately understood they intended to carry an Officer, Etc., with them: and what rather confirms this Opinion, I was enquiring of the Commander, by what Authority he had made Prisoners of several of our English subjects; he told me that the Country belong'd to them, that no Englishman had a Right to trade upon those Waters; and that he had Orders to make every Person Prisoner that attempted it on the Ohio, or the Waters of it.
I enquir'd of Capt. Riparti about the Boy that was carried by, as it was done while the Command devolved on him, between the Death of the late General, and the Arrival of the present; he acknowledged, that a Boy had been carried past, and that the Indians had two or three white Mens Scalps. (I was told by some of the Indians at Venango Eight) but pretended to have forgot the Name of the Place that the Boy came from, and all the particulars, though he question'd him for some Hours, as they were carrying him past: I likewise enquired what they had done with John Forster and James MacClachlan, two Pennsylvania Traders, whom they had taken, with all their Goods. They told me, that they had been sen to Canada, but were now returned Home.
This Evening I received an Answer to his Honour the Governor's Letter from the Commandant.
15th, The Commandant ordered a plentiful Store of Liquor, Provision, Etc. to be put on board our Canoe, and appeared to be extremely compliant, though he was exerting every Artifice that he could invent to set our own Indians at Variance with us, to prevent their going 'til after our Departure: Presents, Rewards, and every Thing that could be suggested by him or his Officers — I can't say that ever in my life I suffer'd so much Anxiety as I did in this Affair; I saw that every Strategem that the most fruitful Brain could invent, was practic'd, to win the Half-King to their Interest, and that leaving Him here was giving them the Opportunity they aimed at. — I went to the Half-King, and press'd him in the strongest Terms to go: He told me the Commandant would not discharge him 'til the morning. I them went to the Commandant, and desired him to do their Business, and complained of ill treatment: for keeping them, as they were Part of my Company, was detaining me: which he promised not to do, but to forward my journey as much as he could: He protested he did not keep them, but was ignorant of the Cause of their Stay; though I soon found it out: — He had promised them a Present of Guns, Etc. if they would wait 'til the Morning.
As I was very much press'd, by the Indians, to wait this Day for them, I Consented, on a Promise, That nothing should hinder them in the Morning.
16th, The French were not slack in their Inventions to keep the Indians this Day also; but as they were obligated, according to Promise, to give the Present, they then endeavored to try the Power of Liquor, which I doubt not would have prevailed at any other Time than this, but I urged and insisted with the King so closely upon his Word, that he refrained, and set off with us as he had engaged.
We had a tedious and very fatiguing Portage down the Creek, several Times we had like to have been staved against Rocks, and many Times were obliged all Hands to get out and remain in the Water Half an Hour or more, getting over the Shoals; at one Place the ice had lodged and made it impassable by Water; therefore we were obliged to carry our Canoe across a Neck of Land, a Quarter of a Mile over. We did not reach Venango, till the 22nd, where we met with our Horses.
This Creek is extremely crooked, I dare say the Distance between the Fort and Venango can't be less than 130 Miles, to follow the Meanders.
23rd, When I got Things ready to set off, I sent for the Half-King, to know whether he intended to go with us, or by Water, he told me that White Thunder had hurt himself much, and was sick and unable to walk, therefore he was obliged to carry him down in a Canoe: As I found he intended to stay here a Day or two, and know that Monsieur Joncaire would employ every scheme to set him against the English as he had before done; I told him I hoped he would guard against his Flattery, and let no fine Speeches influence him in their Favour: He desired I might not be concerned, for he knew the French too well, for any Thing to engage him in their Behalf; and though he could not go down with us, he would endeavor to meet at the Forks with Joseph Campbell, to deliver a Speech for me to carry to his Honour the Governer. He told me he would order the young Hunter to attend us, and get Provision, Etc. if wanted.
Our Horses were now so weak and feeble, and the Baggage heavy, as we were obliged to provide all the Necessaries that the Journey would require; that we doubted much their performing it; therefore myself and others (except the Drivers which were obliged to ride) gave up our Horses for Packs, to assist along with the Baggage; I put myself in an Indian Dress, and continued with them three Days, 'til I found there was no Probability of their getting in, in any reasonable Time; the Horse grew less able to travel every Day; the Cold increased very fast, and the Roads were becoming much worse by a depp Snow, continually freezing; and as I was uneasy to get back, to make Report of my Proceedings to his Honor the Governor, I determined to prosecute my Journey the nearest Way through the Woods, on Foot.
Accordingly I left Mr. Van Braam in charge of our Baggage, with Money and Directions, to provide Necessaries from Place to Place for themselves and Horses, and to make the most convenient Dispatch in.
I took my necessary Papers, pulled off my Clothes, tied myself up in a Match Coat, and with my Pack at my Back with my Papers and Provisions in it, and a Gun, set out with Mr. Gist, fitted to the same Manner, on Wednesday the 26th. The Day following, just after we had passed a Place called the Murdering Town, where we intended to quit the Path, and steer across the Country for Shannopins Town, we fell in with a Party of French Indians, who had lain in wait for us; one of them fired at Mr. Gist or me, not 15 Steps, but fortunately missed. We took this Fellow into Custody, and kept him till about 9 o'Clock at Night, and then let him go, and walked all the remaining Part of the Night without making any Stop, that we might get the Start so far, as to be out of the Reach of their Pursuit the next Day, as we were well assured they would follow our Track as soon as it was light: The next Day we continued travelling till quite dark, and go to the River about 2 Miles above Shannapins; we expected to have found the River frozen, but it was not, only about 50 Yards from each Shore; the Ice I suppose had broke up above, for it was driving in vast Quantities.
There was no Way for getting over but on a Raft, which we set about, with but one poor Hatcher, and got finished just after Sun setting, after a whole Day's Work; we got it launched, and on board of it, and set off; but before we were half Way over, we were jammed in the Ice in such a Manner that we expected every Moment our Raft to sink, and ourselves to perish: I put out my setting Pole to try to stop the Raft, that the Ice might pass by, when the Rapidity of the Stream threw it with so much Violence against the Pole, that it jirked me out into 10 Feet Water, but I fortunately saved myself by catching hold of one of the Raft Logs; notwithstanding all our Efforts we could not get the Raft to either Shore, but were obliged, as we were near an Island, to quit our Raft and make to it.
The Cold was so extremely severe, that Mr. Gist had all his Fingers, and some of his Toes frozen, and the Water was shut up so hard, that we found no Difficulty in getting off the Island on the Ice in the Morning, and went to Mr. Frazier's. We met here with 20 Warriors, who were going to the Southward to War, but coming to a Place upon the Head of the Great Cunnaway, where they found 7 People killed and scalped, all but one woman with very light Hair, they turned about and ran back, for Fear the Inhabitants should rise and take them as the Authors of the Murder: They report that the People were lying about the House, and some of them much torn and eaten by Hogs; by the Marks that were left, they say they were French Indians of the Ottaway Nation, Etc. that did it.
As we intended to take Horse here, and it required some Time to find them, I went up about 8 miles to the Mouth of Youghiogheny to visit Queen Aliquippa, who had expressed great concern that we pressed her in going to the Fort. I made her a Present of a Match coat and a bottle of Rum, which later was thought much the best Present of the two.
Tuesday the 1st Day of January, we left Mr. Frazier's House, and arrived at Mr. Gist's at Monongahela the 2d, where I bought Horse, Saddle, Etc. The 6th we met 17 Horses loaded with Materials and Stores for a Fort at the Forks of Ohio,, and the Day after some Families going out to settle. This Day we arrived at Wills Creek, after as fatiguing a Journey as it is possible to conceive, rendered so by excessive bad Weather; From the first Day of December to the 15th, there was but one Day but it rained or snowed incessantly; and throughout the whole Journey we met with nothing but one continued Series of cold wet Weather, which occasioned very uncomfortable Lodgings, especially after we had left our Tent which was some Screen from the inclemency of it.
On the 11th I got to Belvoir where I stopped one Day to take necessary Rest, and then set out and arrived in Williamsburg the 16th, and waited upon his Honour the Governour with the Letter I had brought from the French Commandant, and to give an Account of the Proceedings of my Journey, which I beg Leave to do by offering the foregoing, as it contains the most remarkable Occurrences that happened to me.
I hope it will be sufficient to satisy your Honour with my Proceedings; for that was my Aim in undertaking the Journey, and chief Study throughout the Prosecution of it.
Witht the Hope of doing it, with infinite Pleasure, subscribe myself,
Your Honour's most Obedient, And very humble Servant,
G. WASHINGTON

Source: The Maryland Gazette, March 21, 1754 and March 28, 1754.

Wednesday, April 16, 2008

Treaties Defining the Boundaries Separating English and Native American Territories

1677 - Treaty of Middle Plantation (defined Pamunkey and Mattoponi reservations and the annual quitrent requirement of "twentie beaver skinns")
1679 - Albany Conference (permitted Iroquois to hunt and travel trough Manahoac lands, blocked Algonquian tribes in Tidewater from Piedmont)
1684 - Albany treaty signed by Lord Howard (blocked English settlement in Iroquois-controlled Piedmont, restricting Northern Virginia occupation to Tidewater area)
1722 - Treaty of Albany (restricted Iroquois to west of the Blue Ridge)
1744 - Treaty of Lancaster (Iroquois sold Virginia their claims of lands "to the setting sun," pushing them out of Shenandoah Valley to west of the Alleghenies)
1748 - Virginia and Pennnsylvania distribute gifts to Ohio River tribes at Logstown (part of competition with French traders)
1752 - Treaty of Logstown (limited Delaware and Shawnee claims south of the Ohio River)
1768 - Treaties of Fort Stanwix and Hard Labor
1770 - Treaty of Lochaber (ceding title to the lands north of the Ohio River to the English)
1775 - Treaty of Sycamore Shoals (limited Cherokee claims in far Southwestern Virginia)
1777 - Treaty of Long Island (limited Cherokee claims in far Southwestern Virginia)

Dictionary of 18th Century Herb Usage

Doctors were few in Colonial America and very scarce on the frontier. Consequently people usually had to treat their own illnesses and accidents. A variety of herbal plants, some they brought with them from Europe and some native, were their primary source of medicinal relief. Many modern medicines in use today were originally derived from these plants, attesting to their effectiveness. What follows is only a very incomplete list of commonly used herbs.

BASIL
Chiefly used as flavoring when cooking. Used dried as snuff to relieve headaches and colds. Also used as a strewing herb. Basil is in the mint family, native to Africa, Asia, India and Iran. It was brought from Europe to America in the early 1600s and by 1774 was grown commercially in Virginia. Its clove like flavor made many foods more appetizing. Colonists used this herb, also called St. Joseph wort, in salads and soups, especially pea soup. Powered basil leaves were used as a snuff and thought to clear the head.

BEE BALM
Used for bee Stings. Bee Balm is a member of the mint family. It is native to North America but colonists soon sent seeds to Europe for their friends to plant and enjoy. Tea brewed from its leaves was called Oswego tea and was used as a substitute for china tea after the 1773 Boston Tea Party.

BURNET
Burnet or Salad Burnet was carried to New England by the Pilgrims. Its cucumber flavored leaves added zip to salads, casseroles and soups. It was put in wine to which it "yeeldeth a certaine grace in drinking".

CARAWAY
Caraway can be found cultivated and wild in the United States, Europe and Asia. Seeds were used in bread, cookies and other recipes, and as a flavoring in cordials. The boiled roots of caraway were eaten by native Americans and recommended for those with a cold, weak stomach. A tasty tea can be made by steeping 2 tbsp of caraway seed in 2 cups of boiling water for 10 minutes and then sweetening with honey.

CHAMOMILE
Infused as a tea for indigestion and gas. Strewing herb and insect repellent.

COMFREY
Early leaves in salads. Used medicinally as a poultice to heal wounds and reduce swelling.

CORIANDER
Coriander is an annual in the parsley family. It has become naturalized in this country, but is a native of southern Europe and Asia Minor. Colonists employed this spice in breads, desserts and pickles. The seeds were chewed as a breath freshener. Early distillers used oil of coriander in flavoring some whiskeys.

DILL
Used in salads and for cooking. Dill was used to flavor soups, salads, breads, stew, fish, potatoes, sauces, pickles and gin.

ELECAMPANE
To treat skin diseases in sheep and horses. Also as a diuretic and for coughs.

FENNEL
Fennel leaves were used in salads, stews and vegetables. The seeds were used in pies and other baked fruits as well as breads.

FEVERFEW
For "female hysteria," melancholia and constipation.

GARLIC CHIVES
Culinary uses as a flavoring.

GERMANDER
For gout, rheumatism, fever and melancholy.

HOREHOUND
Used to make a cough syrup. Often used with honey and other herbs. Mixed with plaintain for snakebites. Soaked in fresh milk to repel flies. The leaves are used for flavoring beer, cough drops, honey and for making tea. Leaves should be gathered just before the flowers open. To make candy, steep two heaping teaspoons of dried horehound in one-cup water for half an hour. Strain. Put the leaves in a cloth and press or twist to get the remaining flavor. Add 3 ½ pounds of brown sugar to the water and boil until it reaches the ball stage. Pour into flat, well-greased pans ad mark into sticks or squares with a knife. You can adjust the taste by adding more tea.

HYSSOP
Strew on the floor to prevent the spread of infection. Also used to treat respiratory illnesses.

LADY"S MANTLE
"A women’s best friend."

LAVENDER
Strewing herb and insect repellent.

LEMON BALM
Infused as a tea for headaches, indigestion, nausea. Distilled as a treatment to clean and heal wounds.

LOVAGE
Similar to celery in taste, used in similar manner. Also used to treat kidney stones.

MARJORAM
Used in cooking. Also to cure insomnia, nasal congestion and loss of appetite. Sweet Marjoram was used to flavor stews and soups.

PARSLEY
Culinary uses. Seeds used as a diuretic.

PEPPERMINT
Breath freshener. Leaves infused as a tea. Peppermint was also introduced early to the United States. It also went wild. However, since it prefers wetter land, it is not as prevalent as spearmint. Peppermint leaves were chewed to sweeten the breath. Peppermint oil was used to flavor tea, foods, crème de menthe and medicine.

PENNYROYAL
Strewing herb. Flea and mosquito repellent.

PLAINTAIN
Used in salads. As a poultice to heal wounds and the seeds to prevent miscarriage.

QUEEN ANNE’S LACEAs a diuretic and for kidney stones. Seeds used as a method of birth control.

ROSE HIPS
These are the round red fruits formed from the flowers of the wild rose. It is the seedpod of the plant. Tea can be brewed from the hips, or they may also be dried. It is best to gather rose hips in late fall after the first frost when they are bright red. To make rose hip tea, boil dried rose hips with water – the longer it boils, the stronger the tea. Sweeten with brown sugar.

ROSEMARY
Oil used as a rub for sore muscles. promotes liver functions. Culinary uses.

RUE
Externally to cure warts, ringworm and poisonous bites. Internally as a treatment for colic and epilepsy. Decocted for earaches.

SAGE
Culinary uses as a flavoring for pork, sausage and poultry. Medically in combination with other herbs for headaches. Decocted and as a mouthwash for sore throats and infected gums.

SORREL
For vinegars and as a pot vegetable. As a poultice for infected wounds. To remove stains from linen.

SPEARMINT
Spearmint was brought to the United States by some of the earliest immigrants. By 1672 it was growing wild. Spearmint leaves were used to make tea, jellies and sauces. The leaves were sugared and mixed with sugared leaves of rose and wild violet to make a candy.

ST. JOHN’S WORT
The leaves to treat burns and wounds. The flowers as a tincture for melancholy.
STINGING NETTLESEarly spring leaves used in salads. A mixture of the seeds, bayberries, gunpowder and honey for rheumatism. Leaves used to line cheese press, and dried as chicken feed.

TANSY
Seed as a vermifuge for children. Root used to treat gout.

TARRAGON
Used in salads and to flavor foods.

THYME
Culinary use as a flavoring. Medicinally for toothaches, gout, headaches, and to cure nightmares. Used as an antiseptic. Thyme was brought from Europe by the earliest settlers. Sprigs of thyme were placed on lard and butter to keep them from becoming rancid. It was used to flavor soups, stews, meat, cheese and egg dishes, seafood and vegetables.

YARROW
Leaves can be chewed for toothaches.

Tuesday, January 08, 2008

Coming to America

Scottish Immigration to the American Colonies, 1772

British Customs Report: Socttish Immigrants Reasongs for Emigration, 1772

John Catanoch, aged fifty years, by trade a farmer, married, hath 4 children from 19 to 7 years old; resided last at Chabster in the parish of Rae in the county of Caithness, upon the estate of Mr. Alexander Nicolson, minister at Thurso, intends to go to Wilmington, North Carolina; left his own country because crops failed, bread became dear, the rents of his possession were raised from two to five pounds sterling; besides his pasture or common grounds were taken up by placing new tenants thereon, especially the grounds adjacent to his farm, which were the only grounds on which his cattle pastured. That this method of parking and placing tenants on the pasture grounds rendered his farm useless; his cattle died for want of grass, and his corn farm was unfit to support his family after paying the extravagant tack duty. That beside the rise of rents and scarcity of bread, the landlord exacted arbitrary and oppressive services, such as obliging the declarant to labor up his ground, cart, win, lead and stack his peats; mow, win and lead his hay, and cut his corn and lead it in the yard, which took up about 30 or 40 days of his servants and horses each year, without the least acknowledgment for it, and without victuals, save the men that mowed the hay who got their dinner only. That he was induced to emigrate by advices received from his friends in America; that provisions are extremely plenty and cheap, and the price of labour very high, so that people who are temperate and laborious have every chance of bettering their circumstances. Adds that the price of bread in the country he hath left is greatly enhanced by distilling, that being for so long a time so scarce and dear, and the price of cattle at the same time reduced full one half while the rents of lands have been raised nearly in the same proportion, all the smaller farms must inevitably be ruined.
Elizabeth McDonald, aged 29, unmarried, servant to James Duncan in Mointle in the parish of Farr in the county of Sutherland; intends to go to Wilmington in North Carolina, left her own country because several of her friends having gone to Carolina before her, had assured her that she would get much better service and greater encouragement in Carolina than in her own country.
John McBeath, aged 37, by trade a farmer and shoemaker, married; hath 5 children from 13 years to 9 months old. Resided last in Mault in the parish of Kildorman in the county of Sutherland, upon the estate of Sutherland. Intends to go to Wilmington in North Carolina; left his own country because crops failed, he lost his cattle, the rent of his possession was raised, and bread had been long dear; he could get no employment at home whereby he could support himself and family, being unable to buy bread at the prices the factors on the estate of Sutherland and neighbouring estates exacted from him. That he was encouraged to emigrate by the accounts received from his own and his wife's friends already in America, assuring him that he would procure comfortable subsistence in that country for his wife and children, and that the price of labour was very high. He also assigns for the cause of bread being dear in his country that it is owing to the great quantities of corn consumed in brewing risquebah [whiskey].

Source:
North Carolina Historical Review 11 (1934), pp. 131-132.

Tuesday, August 21, 2007

Part of Abraham Wood's Letter Describing Needham & Arthur's Adventure With the Cherokee

To my Honoured Friend, Mr. Richards in London, present.
That I have been at your charge to the value of two hundred pounds sterling in the discovery of the south or west sea Declaro;. . .
About the 10th of April, 1673, I sent out two Englishmen and eight Indians with accommodations for three months, but by misfortune and unwillingness of the Indians before the mountains that any should discover beyond them, my people returned affecting little, to be short. On the 17th of May, 1673, I sent them out again, with a like number of Indians and four horses. About the 25th of June they met with the Tomahittans as they were journeying from the mountains to the Occhonechees. . . .
They journeyed nine days from Occhonechee to Sitteree, west and by south, past nine rivers and creeks which all end in this side the mountains and empty themselves into the east sea. Sitteree being the last town of inhabitance and not any path further until they came within two days’ journey of the Tomahittans. They travel from thence up the mountains upon the sun setting all the way, and in four days get to the top, sometimes leading their horses sometimes riding. The ridge upon the top is not above two hundred paces over; the descent better than on this side. In half a day they came to the foot, and then level ground all the way, many slashes upon the heads of small runs. The slashes are full of very great canes and the water runs to the northwest. They pass five rivers and about two hundred paces over the fifth being the middle most half a mile broad all sandy bottoms, with pebble stones, all fordable and all empty themselves northwest, when they travel upon the plains, from the mountains they go down, for several days they see straggly hills on their right hand, as they judge two days journey from them. By this time they have lost all their horses but one, not so much by the badness of the way as by hard travel, not having time to feed. When they lost sight of those hills they see a fog or smoke like a cloud from whence rain falls for several days on their right hand as they travel still towards the sun setting great store of game, all along as turkeys, deer, elk, bear, wolf, and other vermin very tame. At the end of fifteen days from Sitteree they arrive at the Tomahittan’s river, being the sixth river from the mountains. This river at the Tomahittan’s town seems to run more westerly than the other five. This river they passed in canoes the town being seated in the other side about four hundred paces broad above the town, within sight, the horse they had left waded only a small channel swam, as they were very kindly entertained by them, even to adoration in their ceremonies of courtesies and a stake was set up in the middle of the town to fasten the horse to, and abundance of corn and all manner of pulse with fish, flesh, and bear’s oil for the horse to feed upon and a scaffold set up before day for my two men and Appomattock Indian that their people might stand and gaze at them and not offend them by their throng.
This town is seated on the river side, having the cliffs of the river on the one side being very high for its defence, the other three sides trees of two foot over, pitched on end, twelve feet high, and on the tops scaffolds placed with parapets to defend the walls and offend their enemies which men stand on to fight. Many nations of Indians inhabit down this river, which runs west upon the salts which they are at war with and to that end keep one hundred and fifty canoes under the command of their fort. The least of them will carry twenty men, and made sharp at both ends like a wherry for swiftness. This fort is four square, 300 paces over, and the houses set in streets. Many horns like bulls’ horns lay upon their dunghills. Store of fish they have, one sort they have like unto stockfish cured after that manner.
Eight days’ journey down this river lives a white people who have long beards and whiskers and wear clothing, and on some of the other rivers live a hairy people. Not many years since the Tomahittans sent twenty men laden with beaver to the white people. They killed ten of them and put the other ten in irons, two of which ten escaped and one of them came with one of my men to my plantation as you will understand.
After a small time of rest one of my men returns with his horse, the Appomatock Indian and 12 Tomahittans, eight men and four women. One of those eight is he which hath been a prisoner with the white people. My other man remains with them until the next return to learn the language. The 10th of September my man with his horse and the twelve Indians arrived at my house, praise be to God. The Tomahittans have about sixty guns. Not such locks as ours be, the steels are long and channelled where the flints strike. The prisoner relates that the white people have a bell which is six foot over which they ring morning and evening, and at that time a great number of people congregate together and talk he knows not what. They have many blacks among them, oysters and many other shellfish, many swine, and cattle. Their building is brick. The Tomahittans have among them many brass pots and kettles from three gallons to thirty. They have two mullato women. All the white and black people they take they put to death since their twenty men were barbarously handled.
After nine days rest, my man with the horse he brought home and the twelve Tomahittans began their journey the 20th of September intending, God blessing him, at the spring of the next year to return with his companion at which time, God sparing my life, I hope to give you and some other friends better satisfaction. All this I presented to the Grand Assembly of Virginia, but not so much as one word in answer or any encouragement or assistance given.
The good successes of the last journey by my men performed gave me great hopes of a good success in the latter for I never heard from nor anything after I employed Mr. James Needham past from Aeno, an Indian town two days’ journey beyond Occhonechee, in safety. But now begins the tragic scene of mishap. Upon the 27th of January following, I received a flying report by some Indians that my men were killed by the Tomahittans passing over their river as they were returning. Now daily came variable reports of their miscarriage. All Indians spoke darkly to hide the truth from being discovered for fear the guilt of the murder would be layed upon themselves. I sent another man out to inquire what might be found out of truth in the business, but before his return upon the 25th of February came one Henry Hatcher, an Englishman, to my house who had been at Occhonechee trading with those Indians, and tells me that my man I last sent out was stopped there by the Occhonechees from going any further until Hatcher pursuaded them to let my man pass, which they did accordingly. This Hatcher further told me that Mr. James Needham was certainly killed at his going out, but by whom he knew not, but as the Occhonechees said by the Tomahittans that went with him, but said Hatcher I saw the Occhonechee Indian known by the name of John, a fat thick bluff faced fellow, have Mr. James Needham’s pistols and gun in his hand, as the Indian himself told Hatcher.
This Indian John by his Indian name is called Hasecoll. Now you are to note that this Indian John was one that went with Mr. James Needham and my man Gabriel Arthur at the first to the Tomahittans and returned with Mr. James Needham to my house where he the said John received a reward to his content and agreed with me to go again with him. And endeavor his protection to the Tomahittans and to return with Mr. James Needham and my man to my house the next spring and to that end received half his pay in hand. The rest he was to receive at his return. My poor man Gabriel Arthur all this while captivated all this time in a strange land, where never Englishman before had set foot, in all likelihood either slain, or at least never likely to return to see the face of an Englishman. . . .
and shall again come to Mr. Needham, where we left him.
From Aeno he journeyed to Sarrah, with his companions the Tomahittans and John the Occhonechee accompanied with more of his countrymen which was to see the tragedy acted as I suppose, it happened as they passed Sarrah river. An Indian let his pack slip into the water. Whether on purpose or by chance I cannot judge. Upon this some words passed between Needham and the Indian. Occhonechee Indian John took up Mr. Needham very short in words and so continued scolding all day until they had passed the Yattken town and so over Yattken river. Not far from the river Mr. Needham alighted it not being far from the foot of the mountains, and there took up their quarters. Still, Indian John continued his wailing and threatening. Mr. Needham took up a hatchet which lay by him, having his sword by him threw the hatchet on the ground by Indian John and said what John are you minded to kill me. Indian John immediately catched up a gun, which he himself had carried to kill meat for them to eat, and shot Mr. Needham near the burr of the ear and killed him. Notwithstanding, all the Tomahittans started up to rescue Needham but Indian John was too quick for them.
So died this heroic Englishman whose fame shall never die if my pen were able to eternalize it which had adventured where never any Englishman had dared to attempt before and with him died one hundred forty-four pounds sterling of my adventure with him. I wish I could have saved his life with ten times the value. Now his companions the Tomahittans all fell a weeping and cried what shall we do now you have killed the Englishman. We shall be cut off by the English. Indian John drew out his knife, stepped across the corpse of Mr. Needham, ripped open his body, drew out his heart, held it up in his hand, and turned and looked to the eastward, toward the English plantations and said he valued not all the English. The Tomahittans replied, how dare you do this, we are all afraid of the English. Indian John replied he was paid for what he had done and had received his reward, and then laid a command upon the Tomahittans that they should dispatch and kill the Englishman which Needham had left at the Tomahittans, and immediately opened the packs, took what goods he pleased, so much as Needham’s horse could carry, and so returned back.
Now we return to my man Gabriel Arthur. The Tomahittans hastened home as fast as they can to tell the news. The King or chief man not being at home, some of the Tomahittans who were great lovers of the Occhonechees went to put Indian John’s command in speedy execution and tied Gabriel Arthur to a stake and laid heaps of combustible canes about him to burn him. But before the fire was put to, the King came into the town with a gun upon his shoulder and hearing of the uproar for some were with it and some against it. The King ran with great speed to the place, and said who is that that is going to put fire to the Englishman. A Weesock born started up with a firebrand in his hand and said that am I. The King forthwith cocked his gun and shot the Weesock dead, and ran to Gabriel and with his knife cut the thongs that tied him and had him go to his house and said let me see who dares touch him. . . . [2]

Monday, May 28, 2007

The Real Pocahontas

The Princess Wild
Pocahontas was not who you think she was; she was a whole lot more
By Lisa Moore LaRoe

Posted 1/21/07
Disney had it right about Pocahontas. She's a cartoon, a supernaturally endowed siren who loves and saves John Smith. At least that's what she's become—a two-dimensional figment of the imagination, refracted through the biases of history.
In reality, Pocahontas was just a child when she met Smith. They were friends, never lovers. And it's not likely that she threw herself on Smith to save him from having his brains bashed out. Some historians say the self-promotional Smith made up that tale, written about 15 years after he left Jamestown. Others say he just misinterpreted an adoption ceremony in which Pocahontas may have played a scripted part.
If the reason for fame is false, why should we care about her? Because the real Pocahontas was a dazzling young woman, complex, headstrong, and shrewd—a bridge between two different worlds who arguably became for Jamestown exactly what Smith claimed: "the instrument to preserve this colony from death."
"Only nonpareil." When she first met Smith, Pocahontas was a dark-eyed girl about age 11, with the unselfconscious energy of a child. Like other Indian children, she wore nothing at all. Her black hair was chopped short at the sides and hung in a braid down her back. Her tawny frame was muscled from years spent laboring and playing outdoors.
Smith and his countrymen marveled at the little sprite, described by colonist William Strachey as cartwheeling naked with the boys of the fort. Smith, at least 14 years her senior, wrote that for "feature, countenance, and proportion" as well as for "wit and spirit," Pocahontas was "the only nonpareil" of the land. It's harder to say what she thought of the pale strangers who planted a fort in her father's realm; she left no writings of her own. But to them she stood out not just for her exuberance but because she was a favorite daughter of Powhatan, the great Indian chief who controlled the colony's fate.
Born around 1596 as Amonute (later called Matoaka), she was one of scores of children sired by Powhatan, the husband of more than 100 wives. His savvy daughter must have learned that to keep her father's affection, she had to make him laugh. "People who met her did describe a sparkling personality," says anthropologist Helen Rountree. She believes that it may have been Powhatan who gave his girl the nickname Pocahontas, meaning "little wanton" or "little mischievous one."
A precocious girl who quickly learned some English, Pocahontas became an intermediary between Powhatan and the Jamestown foreigners. On her first visit to the fort, she helped negotiate a release of some Indian prisoners, her presence interpreted by the colonists as a sign from Powhatan that he trusted the strangers enough to send his beloved daughter as an emissary.
That trust soon unraveled. In the winter of 1608-09, starving colonists tried to coerce food from the Indians, and violence boiled. During this turmoil, Pocahontas reportedly risked her life by sneaking through the woods at night to warn Smith and his party of a deadly ambush planned by Powhatan. Smith wrote that Pocahontas's "compassionate" heart gave him "much cause to respect her."
After Powhatan moved his capital far from Jamestown, Pocahontas's contact with the colonists faded. In 1610, at about age 13 or 14, she married a Powhatan man named Kocoum. Did she have a child? Was she at peace with her life? The record is blank. But as the jewel of her powerful father, she made a tempting target.
Temptation turned into abduction. In April 1613, while visiting a tribe on the Potomac, Pocahontas was kidnapped by ship's captain Samuel Argall and told she'd be held hostage until her father returned some English prisoners and stolen weapons. One account described her as "exceeding pensive and discontented." Furious and fearful must be closer to the truth. Powhatan demanded kind treatment for his daughter, but a deadlock over ransom kept Pocahontas captive for a year.
Mesmerizing. Held first at Jamestown and then at the settlement of Henrico, Pocahontas was drilled in the English language and the Christian faith. Accustomed to wearing only a deerskin apron, working outdoors, and worshiping a host of deities, she was suddenly bound in a bodice, confined indoors, and force-fed the Bible. But like all survivors, she adapted—and mesmerized her captors.
One of them seems to have won her heart. Widower John Rolfe, a pious 28-year-old tobacco grower, became rapt with lust for Pocahontas. Claiming that he was not led by "the unbridled desire of carnal affection," Rolfe sought permission from Gov. Thomas Dale to marry the girl. He billed his plan as a noble quest "for the honor of our country ... and for the converting to the true knowledge of God and Jesus Christ an unbelieving creature."
As for Pocahontas, she apparently cared for Rolfe, who touted "her great appearance of love to me." Although a prisoner, she very likely also enjoyed her royal treatment among the English, who considered her a princess. Curious, she was intrigued by their culture, though not to the point of rejecting her own. And she was ultimately a pragmatist: The Indians and the colonists were at war. "She knew that if her people were to survive, they needed the English as allies, not as enemies," says Rutgers University historian Camilla Townsend.
In the standoff between Powhatan and the English, Pocahontas became both a pawn and a player. The English wanted bragging rights for converting to Christianity the daughter of an Indian "king." She held off on conversion until a 1614 truce sealed her release and led to a peace that helped Jamestown to flourish. Her role in that truce was arguably her greatest gift to the colony.
With the war over, and with her father's and Dale's consent, Pocahontas converted, was baptized with the name Rebecca, married Rolfe, and bore a son.
Lady Rebecca made great PR. To the Virginia Company, she was proof that the "heathens" could be Christianized. The company wanted to send her to London as a live advertisement for the corporation, which needed funds. Pocahontas (and her father) could also gain: Powhatan needed information about the size and wealth of the colonists' homeland. So in 1616, the Rolfes sailed for England.
There the couple made quite a splash. Pocahontas "carried herself as the daughter of a king and was accordingly respected," wrote observer Samuel Purchas. She met King James and briefly became a novelty among the elite, entertained "with festival state and pomp." She also ran into John Smith, quite a shock as she'd been told he was dead. He reports that she curtly turned her back, remained silent for hours, then rebuked him for disrespecting her and her father. (So much for the mythic love.)
The Rolfes boarded a ship for home in March 1617, but just before sailing from Gravesend, Pocahontas became ill with what may have been a lung ailment or a virulent form of dysentery. There Pocahontas died, barely 21 years old. Though she "wasn't a celebrity in her lifetime," says Rountree, her fame, with all its embellishments, would balloon in the centuries ahead.
If only Pocahontas could speak for herself.

Wednesday, May 16, 2007

The 1st Militia Roster of the Clinch River Area of Russell County, Va. in 1774

THE FIRST MILITIA ROSTER OF THE CLINCH RIVER AREA OF RUSSELL COUNTY
By Emory L. Hamilton - 1978
In the Archives of the Virginia State Library is found one of the most interesting documents pertaining to the earliest settlers of the Clinch River Valley in what is now Russell, Scoot and Lee Counties, but then a part of Washington County.
It is page 229 and 230 of the Dunmore's War Records, and is a roster of 72 names of Militia soldiers under Captain William Russell. The roster is for the first pay period just prior to the outbreak of Dunmore's War in the fall of 1774.
While this document does not list everyone living in the area, it does give an insight into some of the very earliest settlers.
On the ensuing pages I have listed by number and name each of the Militiamen, with a brief biography of what I have been able to find pertaining to each man.
1. WILLIAM RUSSELL - He was Captain of Militia and lived near the present Castlewood High School. His first wife, Tabitha Adams Russell died there in 1776 and was buried there. Russell later married Elizabeth, the widow of General William Campbell and lived at Saltville. The second Mrs. Russell was a sister to Patrick Henry. At the outbreak of the Revolution, Russell became a general in the Continental Army. It was for him that Russell County was named.
2. HENRY MOORE - I know nothing of a Henry Moore. It is possible that this name was Henly Moore who was a militia sergeant and who was in command of Glade Hollow Fort in early 1774.
3. JAMES NAALE - This name should be James Naul who settled very early near Dungannon and was dead in 1777. On April 29, 1777, James Green was appointed administrator of his estate, Josiah Payne and Patrick Porter were the securities for Green.
4. JOHN SNODDY - This was Captain John Snoddy, born circa 1739 and who was a militia captain on the Clinch until his removal to Kentucky around 1780. He had married Margaret Walker, a daughter of John Walker who lived at the "sink" of Sinking Creek on a farm he called "Broad Meadows". Snoddy at one time owned Moore's Fort at Castlewood, which he sold prior to his removal to Kentuckyto Frederick Fraley. He was a brother-in-law to Patrick Porter, and the Cowan brothers, David, William and Samuel, all having married Walker sisters. John Snoddy died in Madison Co., Ky. in 1814, and should not be confused with an older John Snoddy who served on the Washington Co. Court who lived at Abingdon. The older Snoddy married Agnes Glasgow in Philadelphia in 1741 and moved to Tennessee where he died in 1786.
5. WILLIAM MOORE - William and Joseph Moore, two brothers came to Castlewood in 1769 and built Moore's Fort in 1774. About 1780 they left the Clinch and settled at Crab Orchard in Lincoln Co., Ky. where John Snoddy was with them. It has been stated that the Moore brothers, the previously mentioned Cowan brothers were brothers-in-law. If so, then the Moore's married Cowan sisters. All these people were originally Pennsylvanians coming to the are from Augusta County.
6. HENRY HAMLIN - Henry Hamlin came to Castlewood and settled in upper Castlewood, on the North side of Clinch River in 1769. He operated a mill there long before Bickley's Mill and the old foundation still stands on Mill Creek. His first wife, and some of his children were killed by iIndians in 1783. Later he moved to Rye Cove and married his second wife Mary "Molly" Blackmore Adams who had her first husband Jessee Adams and ten children massacred by the Indians on Stock Creek in 1782. Molly was the daughter of Joseph Blackmore and is said to have been killed also by Indians near Fort Blackmore in 1790, but I can find no proof for this. Henry Hamlin was born in 1740 and died in 1818. During the Revolutionary War he is reported to have been a Tory.
7. SAMUEL RITCHIE - Samuel was a son of Alexander Ritchie, Sr. who came from Henrico Co., Va., and settled at Gray's Island on the south side of Clinch River two miles down stream from Dungannon in the yar 1772. Their home ws "Rithie's Fort." Samuel Ritchie married Ann, the daughter of Patrick Porter and they separated in 1793. He owned two tracts of land on the south side of Clinch River settling upon one in 1775. He was a member of the first Court of Scott Co. and was a Justice of the Peace and active in the political life of Scott Co. for many years. His marriage to Ann Porter was never annulled, but he took Frances Kendrick as a common law wife and lived with her until death, which occurred on December 16, 1818. By Frances Kendrick he had one son and five daughters.
8. NATHAN BROWN
9. JOHN DUNCAN - John and his brother Rawley Duncan came from Culpepper Co., Va. and settled at Hunter's Ford (now Dungannon) in 1772. John was killed by the Indians at Moore's Fort in 1774. In 1780 his widow, who had remarried sold her land and left the area for Kentucky.
10. ANDREW KING
11. HENRY DICKENSON - Henry settled at Castlewood in the early 1770's and came from Prince Edward Co. He became the first Clerk of Russell Co. in 1786. He was at the battle of Kings Mountain. The first courthouse of Russell Co. became his home after the county was formed and still stands between Castlewood and Dickensonville which was named for him.
12. SAMUEL PORTER - Samuel Porter lived near Temple Hill Cemetery in Russell Co. He came from Pennsylvanie to Castlewood in 1769. He married asister of Captain John Dunkin and was a brother-in-law of Solomon Litton another early settler at Elk Garden. He left the Clinch along with the Dunkin, Litton, Laughlin and other families in 1779 and settled on Licking River near Ruddle's Station Kentucky. All these families in Ruddles and Martins Stations were captured in June of 1780 by the British and Indians. They were marched to Detroit and Montreal and held until peace was made at the end of the Revolution. They returned to their old homes in Virginia and never went back to Kentucky to claim their lands. Samuel Porter died at Castlewood in 1820.
13. JOHN CRANK - Little is known of John Crank. He was granted land in Washington Co., Va. for service in the French and Indian War under Col. William Byrd. He settled on a 400 acre tract of land on the north side of Moccasin Ridge in 1774. He also owned 250 acres on both sides of the North Fork of Holston River and 396 acres on Copper Ridge.
14. DAVID COWAN - David Cowan settled in 1769 in upper Castlewood. It was upon his land that the fort commonly called Russell's Fort was built in 1774. He was married to Jane, a daughter of John Wlker. Left the area after the Revolutionary War and probably settled in Tennessee.
15. MICHAEL OSCER - This man was really Michael Auxier, a family of French extraction, whose father Michael Auxier, Sr., died on Copper Creek in 1780. The name in early records is spelled "Oxer". Michael was a brother of the Simon Oxer who helped defend Russell's Fort against 17 Indians along with Henry Dickenson and Charles Bickley in 1783. Some members of this family moved to Floyd Co., Ky. There they became a prominent family and Auxier in Floyd Co. is named for them. There is a family tradition that Michael Auxier was scalped by the Indians while living on the Clinch and was ever afterwards called "Bald-headed Mike Auxier". His last home was on Kinniconick Creek in Lewis Co., Ky. A spring, known as "Oxer's Spring" at the foot of House and Barn Mountain may indicate that one of this family resided there.
16. WILLIAM RUSSELL, JR. - He was a son of Captain William Russel.
17. THOMAS JOHNSON - There may have been two men of this name in the area. This is probably the Thomas Johnson who married Fanny Dickenson Scott after her husband Archibald Scott and children were killed by the Indians. On August 8, 1788, James Young and Elizabeth, his wife sold to Samuel Ewing and Thomas Johnson of Russell Co. 100 acres called "Mount Welcome" in Rich Valley on both sides of Young Creek, a branch of the North Fork of Holston. On February 17, 1796 Samuel Ewing deeds this same tract of land to Thomas Johnson and Fanny, his wife, of Russell Co. and Robert and William Logan. This time the land is referred to as being in Rich Valley on both sides of Young's Mill Creek. Later Thomas Johnson of Knox Cp., Tenn. sells 100 acres on Middle Fork of Holston to Michael Gimet. On March 15, 1796, Thomas and Fanny Johnson sell 350 acres in Rich Valley to John Scroggins.
18. HUMPHREY DICKENSON - Humphrey Dickenson was a brother of Henry Dickenson. He settled in Castlewood in 1769 on the north side of the Clinch River where he built a two story log house later lived in by his brother Henry. This house owned by Mr. Don Gray stood until recently. Humphrey was killed by Indians on a rock in Clinch River in 1778.
19. JAMES BUSH - James Bush and his wife Mary came from Amherst Co. to Castlewood in the early 1770's. Early he had a mill in Castleood and in 1790 deeds refer to "Bush's Mill Creek." Later it seems he owned the Cowan-Russell Fort for it is after referred to as Bush's Fort. His son, Austin Bush served as one of the Indian Spys. His daughters Mary and Ann were captured by the Indians, but were retaken in Floyd Co., Ky. by the Clinch Militia. Ann was tomahawked but survived. She was later scalped by the Indians and still survived to rear a family. James Bush was dead prior to 1820, and Ann was dead by 1825. 20 August 1762 James Bush, assignee of Henry Dickenson entered 100 acres of land on south side of Clinch River known by the name of the Russian Place?
20. JAMES BURKE - Not much is known by this writer about James Burke. He apparently lived on Copper Creek where he had 96 acres surveyed for him on April 8, 1774. He also had a 45 acre tract on Lewis Creek, recorded December 13, 1783. There was more than one James Burke in the area. On November 24, 1777, one James Burke was Administrator of the estate of Henry Sivord, deceased. Then on March 17, 1779, he was summoned to court to render an account of administration. On June 15, 1779 on motion of John Kinkead who was security for James Burke, administrator of the estate of Henry Sword, deceased, for counter security. William Houston and Daniel McCoy came into court and undertook in the penalty of 1500 punds to endemnify the said Kinkead for being security for the said administrator. On April 17, 1782 (Wash. Co. Entry Book) Joseph Hatfield assignee of John Neal, assignee of Eli Smith, enters 50 acres on waters of Clinch being land whereon he now lives. Also James Burk where he now lives on Big Arod(?) Creek.
21. BENJAMIN NICHOLSON - Benjamin Nicholson came to the area about 1772 and settled on the Clinch River in the vicinity of Gray's Island in Scott Co. His home is referred to as Nicholson's Fort. He married Jemima Darnell and in the late 1790's sold his land and moved to Clarke Co., Ky.
22. JOHN ANDERSON - There were at least three John Andersons in the area at this time. This particular one was probably the John Anderson who was a son-in-law of Richard Price. He had a land entry for 190 acres in Elk Garden recorded March 28, 1785, and another entry for 200 acres recorded August 24, 1781 and had settled on this tract in the year 1775. On November 18, 1778 he was appointed administrator of the estates of John Barksdale and Humphrey Dickenson, both of whom the Indians had killed in Castlewood.
23. DAVID BURNEY
24. GEORGE OSCER - Really George Auxier, and brother of #15 Michael Auxier. George Auxier died in 1809 in Montgomery Co., Ky. He was married to Dorcas Shelly who died in Ky. in 1824. George Auxier served in the frontier militia, enlisted at Glade Hollow Fort under Capt. Alexander Barnett. In 1838 George & Dorcas Auxier had an only surviving child, James Auxier, born 1791, who applied for a pension on the Revolutionary War services of his father.
25. OBEDIAH TERRELL - Obediah Terrell is best remembered as being one of the noted Long Hunters. Obey's River in Tenn. was named for him. "He was a chunky, small sized man with a club foot." (Draper Mss. 55-62)
Terrell lived on Obey's Creek, in Scott Co. prior to his removal to Tenn. The earliest official record found of him is in old Fincastle Co., dated November 3, 1773 when he was granted a judgemant against Uriah Stone, another of the Long Hunters. The last record found relating to him was April 22, 1778 in Washington Co. when he was appointed overseer of a road from "Two Big Springs" on Copper Creek to the head of Moccasin Creek. Then again on Aug. 18, 1778 he was appointed administrator of the estate of Thomas Kindrick. It was perhaps shortly after the latter date that he moved to Tenn. for less than 16 months later, in 1780, Daniel Smith spent the night at his camp on Obey's River in middle Tenn. while on a buffalo hunt. Terrell Spent seveal years on the Cumberland River as a farmer and hunter, and before permanent settlement in Tenn. hunted and camped along the river in what is now Cumberland and Pulaski Counties.
26. JOSEPH KINKAID - Joseph Kinkaid was a son of John Kinkaid, who lived across Clingh River from St. Paul. This Kinkaid family moved to Ky. in 1779. Both Joseph and his brother James Kinkaid served in the frontier militia before their removal to Ky. Both went with Col. John Bowman to Ky. in 1778 when he was ordered there to the defense of the Ky. stations.
27. THOMAS PITTMAN - Thomas, Joshua and William Pittman were all in the area, but nothing is known of them. William Pittman was one of the Long Hunters, Sep. 20, 1782, Walter Prreston by pre-emption warrant, enters 300 ac. of land joining George Moss settlement in Powell Valley which he bought of William Pittman. This land lying on the Ky. Road and near the Rock house.
28. WILLIAM COWAN - William Cowan was a Captain in the militia and his wife was Mary Walker, daughter of John Walker. His brothers David, Samuel and Andrew also lived on the Clinch River. William Cowan lived two miles below Moore's Fort on land he bought from Capt. David Gass, his brother-in-law. Cowan sold his land to James Osborne and left the area around 1780, probably for Kentucky. The old log house where Gass, Cowan and Osborne lived still stands in lower Castlewood. Captain William Cowan made several trips into Kentucky before leaving the Clinch.
29. WILLIAM BUSH - Little is known of William Bush who once lived in Castlewood. It is known that he commanded a company of militia in Capt. Paulin's Co., under Col. John Bowman when he was ordered to the defense of the Kentucky station in 1778. Bush raised his company of a Lieutenant's command in the Clinch area and two of his company were the brothers James and Joseph Kinkaid. William Bush was in Kentucky in the year 1775 when he entered a land grant. He probably moved to Boonesboro for a William Bush appears in the early settlement there.
30. DAVID GASS - Capt. David Gass was born in Pennsylvania in 1729. He settled early in Albemarle Co., Va., where he was serving in the militia in 1758. In 1769 he moved to Castlewood and prepared to go with Boone to Kentucky in 1773. After the Indians attacked Boone's party in Powell Valley, Boone came to Castlewood and lived in a cabin on Capt. Gass's land until he moved to Boonesboro in 1775. Capt. Gass made seven trips to Kentucky before finally moving his family there in 1777. Gass sold his home place on the Clinch to his brother-in-law, Capt. William Cowan, who in turn sold it to James Osborne, Gass died in Madison Co., Ky.
31. JOSEPH MOORE - Joseph Moore was a brother to William Moore and together these brothers built Moore's Fort in Lower Castlewood in 1774, having come there in 1769. Both moved about 1780 to Lincoln Co., Ky.
32. SAMUEL KIRKHAM - No Data
33. GEORGE CAMPBELL - The only records I could find on a George Campbell were in Botetourt Co., Va. and this may or may not be the same George Campbell. The first order was on April 11, 1770 when he was granted a certificate for hemp. On the 14th of November 1770 the court ordered the church wardens to "bind out" John Shnido, a poor boy and to apprentice him to George Campbell. On May 11, 1770, George Campbell sold 96 acres on Ekl Creek, a branch of the James River to Joseph McAdams.
34. JAMES BLACK - James Black recorded 150 ac. on Cassell's Run, Aug. 10, 1781, and gave his settlement date thereon as 1772.
35. JOHN ENGLISH - John English settled on Sugar Hill overlooking St. Paul in 1772, the first settlement ever made in the present bounds of Wise Co., Va. He died in 1797. In 1787, his wife Molly and two little sons were killed by the Indians. His daughter married Jessee Fraley and she seemed to be his only living heir. In 1791, John English sold his 186 acres on Sugar Hill to the French Baron Francois Pierre De TuBeuf. It seems the first claimant to the English land was Thomas Pittman who had assigned it to Sheppy Allen Puckett, brother of Drury Puckett another early settler of Russell Co., Va.
36. WILLIAM HAYS - William Hays came out in 1770, along with Robert Elsom as stock tenders for Capt. William Herbert, Sr. of Poplar Camp, Wythe Co., Va. Herbert had a patent for land between Dungannon and Gray's Island on Clinch River. Robert Elsom was killed there by the Indians in 1777.
37. JOSEPH DUNCAN - This name on the roster is hard to make out, but appears to be an abbreviation for Joseph Duncan, who seems to have been an early settler, about whom I know nothing.
38. WILLIAM BLACKMORE - William Blackmore was undoubtably a son of Capt. John Blackmore who built Blackmore's Fort on Clinch River in 1774. In 1779 Capt. John Blackmore moved to the Nashboro settlement in Tennessee.
39. JOHN BLACKMORE - Capt. John Blackmore and his brother Joseph came from Fauquier Co., Va. and settled in present day Scott Co. at Fort Blackmore. Here they, along with other settlers built Blackmore's Fort in 1774. Capt. John Blackmore rafted down the Clinch in 1779, joining Col. John Donnelson on the Holston River and together they rafted to the Nashboro settlement in Tennessee to become the first settlers of that area.
40. ANDREW DAVIS - Andrew Davis settled near the mouth of Stony Creek in Scott Co. in 1772, and was probably one of the four families who built Blackmore's Fort.
41. JOHN BLACKMORE, JR. - He was a son of Capt. John Blackmore. John Jr. was married to Elizabeth Douglas and went in 1779 to Tennessee with his father. He was killed by the Indians in Tennessee in 1781 or 1782.
42. RICHARD STAUNTON - Richard Staunton settled very ealy on Staunton's Creek in Scott Co., Va. and it was for him the stream was named. In the early 1750's, Richard was living with his father Thomas Staunton at Poplar Camp in Wythe Co. Thomas Staunton sold his land to Capt. William Herbert and moved to North Carolina. Richard Staunton died on Staunton's Creek and seemed to have had no family. One record refers to him as an aide to Col. William Compbell.
43. JOHN CARTER - John Carter was a brother to Dale Carter who was killed by Indians at Blackmore's Fort in 1774. John Carter settled on a farm down river from Fort Blackmore about 1772. In 1785, the Indians attacked his home, killed his wife and five children and set fire to his house burning the bodies of his slain family.
44. WILLIAM CARR - William Carr lived on Carr's Creek in Russell Co. where he died in 1782, and for whom the creek was named. His widow, Hannah Carr moved her family in 1784 to Sumner Co., Tennessee. This is the same Hannah Carr who refugeed with Danile Boone's family in Moore's Fort in 1774. Carr owned land at Guest Station (Coeburn) Washington Co. Land Entry Book 25 May 1783, 200 acres for John Donald on the lowest branch of Toms Creek, that emptied into Gist River beginning at the line of Widow Carr's corn right at Gist Station and running up the creek on both sides of the War Path everyway.